Luick-Thrams, Michael : "Creating 'New Americans': WWII-Era European Refugees' Formation of American Identities"

Part III: Comparisons of Refugee Programs and Refugees' Formation of American Identities

This dissertation has explored four questions relevant to the process through which World War II-era European refugees formed new identities in America: through what means and to what degree did they actually become "Americanized", what did it mean to them to become "American" and how did their relationships with America change over time? Part I briefly reviewed the backgrounds, persecution and flight of said refugees-as well as the reception they found at various residential refugee centers. Part II documented and analyzed Scattergood Hostel as a refugee center and its program of refugee integration/assimilation. Part III weaves together findings of Parts I and II. In order to ascertain how typical or unique the means as well as results of Scattergood's efforts to help refugees integrate or assimilate, one must know how similar or different those efforts were at some comparable residential refugee centers-thus Chapter 10 examines the dissertation's first question by identifying methods meant to facilitate refugee integration or assimilation and comparing certain aspects of life at Scattergood Hostel with those of residential refugee programs outlined in Part I. Chapter 11 looks at the remaining three questions-all of which ultimately involve aspects of new identity formation itself. While chapter 10 is more "objective" and thus more straight forward, chapter 11 is more griping, speculative and provocative. The findings of the latter chapter ultimately comprise the raison d'être of this entire project.

Chapter 10 Comparisons of Refugee Programs

Except for the Rest Home in Falkenstein, all of the refugee centers in this study assisted their charges begin the integration or assimilation process -even if unconsciously. In each of those twelve centers, once they had "caught their breath", refugees set about understanding conditions in the host country and adapting accordingly. In turn, staff helping them undertook efforts to help them piece together the shards of shattered biographies and begin casting new ones. Some were more deliberate than others, some had more resources with which to work than others, some had more "success" than others. The specific respective conditions or means meant to assist refugees integrate or assimilate differentiate the centers-and thus their impact-from each other.

European refugees who fled Nazi terror landed in various countries with differing needs, restrictions, possibilities, etc. One aspect common to the centers involved each trying to adapt to conditions if not in the country where it was located then in the country of an individual refugee's targeted destination. Halutz' program to train agriculturalists and artisans-for one-took into consideration the visa-granting provisions for territories as diverse as British-ruled Palestine and the Dominican Republic. Similarly, Bunce Court and the Cedars both offered their pupils English lessons even before they reached England, assuming their wards would need to know the native tongue of their adopted homeland. Quakers in Britain tried to integrate refugees into that country's wartime economy as agricultural or industrial workers, while American Friends at Scattergood Hostel or its spinoff Quaker Hill attempted to familiarize their European charges with American life and culture. Quakers in the U.S. realized their "guests" might be seen as potential competitors in a job market still limited by the Great Depression's last gasps and accordingly tried to preempt such charges even before critics could make them: "progress" in acculturation and subsequent job placement was intended to refute claims by detractors that refugees posed a threat to native-born Americans.

Regardless of the refugees' destination, all of the centers except for the Rest Home offered instruction in areas deemed necessary to adaptation to new circumstances in a new country. At Holywell Hyde that meant in farming, at Aberdeen Camp in American social studies, at Scattergood Hostel in driving. While some of the courses were taught by novices and some by experienced professions, in each case a center's organizers assumed that native staff had something of value to impart to the "newcomers". In Europe, that something usually had to do with job or language training; in America, where both Quakers and the U.S. government (in the latter case, belatedly) assumed that refugee integration equated "Americanization", classes also as often as not considered civics, labor and inter-racial relations, economics, etc. As cited below, such assumptions were in keeping with dominant American values of breadth contra depth; cultivated as "New Americans", European refugees accordingly were exposed to American life and culture in formal classes as well as informal fieldtrips, social outings or calls on native-born Americans.

Embedded in a historical context of economic hardship and social crisis, several of the centers wedded instruction in "practical training" with self-reliance in the form of smallscale agriculture. Besides the Halutz program, those of Holywell Hyde, Aberdeen Camp, Finca Paso Seco and Scattergood Hostel used refugee labor to provide refugee sustenance; initially, AFSC staff even nursed illusions of propagating kibbutzim on the Iowa prairies. Camp Oswego's organizers also selected refugees based on "skills that would make the shelter as nearly self-sustaining as possible", for, besides learning to live in a new land, the refugees had to eat. In addition to encouraging self-reliance, politely forcing former professionals, artists, political activists or other urbane categories of émigrés to dirty their hands, trade their suit for an apron or pick up a dishtowel helped prepare refugees for changed social roles or status in the future. While none of the centers is recorded as having had a psychologist as permanent staff, each clearly understood that exiles' former lives could not be recaptured and saw the value of making complete breaks with past rank, lifestyle or privilege. More than other centers, however, Scattergood Hostel integrated such a carrot-and-stick method as official, cultivated policy.

As far as assisting exiles to integrate professionally, all of the programs except the Rest Home offered some kind of practical training, even if minimal. While Halutz's program included training for artisans and domestics, the one at Holywell Hyde offered instruction in agriculture, horticulture and related fields. Refugees at Finca Paso Seco learned furniture building, "wood turning", carpentry and machinery, while those at Quaker Hill explored the mechanics of manufacturing pre-fabricated houses. Even pupils at Bunce Court and the Cedars were put to work in projects like poultry raising and grounds maintenance, with practical aspects of both seen as useful training. Still, only Scattergood Hostel and Quaker Hill are recorded as having had job-placement directors on their staffs or having actively sought career leads.

Not only adults, though, had to find effective means to adapt to their new environment. Children, too, underwent both deliberate and coincidental exposure to the new culture. The administrations of both Fort Ontario and the town of Oswego, therefore, went to great effort to integrate the refugee children in the local school system so that they might begin the assimilation process. Scattergood's director supported "Americanization" through enrollment at the local school-to the minute point of championing funds from AFSC to ensure the children's "ability to do what the others do [which aids] their adjustment and Americanization". At least six one-time "Scattergood kids" are recorded as either having been deeply involved in the life of the West Branch community school at the time of their stay at the hostel or later in life attributing to it considerable lasting influence. More than for their parents, the formation of refugee children's evolving identities as "New Americans" directly depended on existing American social institutions-in this case, West Branch's school.

To build a new life in a new environment-to form new identities- refugees needed not only to study English or civics, to learn to use a hoe, drive a car or write an American-style résumé. They also needed to relearn how to participate in both small or large groups, to be members of social bodies unlike ones they had known in their native, authoritarian countries and to grasp the mechanics of power in the U.S. As some of the refugees hailed from European lands where they had spent all their lives under a dominating Kaiser, a feeble "democracy" or a dictatorship hostile to liberal political values and institutions, refugees from such countries had to learn patterns of social interaction and governance anew which fit the American experience and scene. The mode in which the program from which the émigrés sought assistance and cues was of great importance. Rather than "dictatorship", refugee centers mostly opted for "democracy" as the preferred if not always practiced mode of operation. A form of pure or majority consensus reigned at least half of the centers; on practical levels, that meant refugees were involved in matters as diverse as planning the curriculum, bookkeeping matters, corresponding with sponsoring institutions and individuals or deciding how the maintenance of the physical plant should be undertaken. In some programs, refugees even became the Betreuer of newly arrived exiles or took key positions with relief agencies; at Kitchener the men voluntarily operated their camp as a commune. Tellingly, at Scattergood Hostel refugees requested "leaders be appointed to see that the orders are carried out", yet the Quakers refused, arguing that "is not the Quaker way nor the way life should be lived in a democracy". Experience exiles harvested in such situations helped them in adapting to life in the communities where they later settled.

Just as in normal, private life human existence does not consist only of work or training for work, residential refugee centers incorporated cultural activities and socializing into their general program of refugee rehabilitation and integration/assimilation. Christmas festivities at the land settlement near Perpignan, concerts at Finca Paso Seco, plays at Bunce Court, visitors from London holidaying at Lavender Croft, lecture-teas at Quaker Hill, openhouse at Camp Oswego and parties at Scattergood Hostel all reflected the desire of the centers' organizers as well as resident refugees to weld cultural activities to socializing with outsiders. Not wanting to exist in isolation, except for Camp Oswego, all of the centers integrated visitors into daily life. That Grant Wood and the van Trapp Family Singers came to Scattergood Hostel, that professors from nearby Earlham College lectured at Quaker Hill, that exiled musicians passing time in Havana performed at Finca Paso Seco, that the representatives of political organizations spoke at Bunce Court and that other centers also welcomed visitors to participate in their "educational" programs arose out of the centers' commitment to expose their charges to members of the society awaiting the refugees on the other side of the front door. Adjustment to the new society could not be accomplished in seclusion; some of the most important first steps to refugee integration/assimilation consisted of contact with the natives-even if in the somewhat artificial form of arranged visits.

Besides what they did, however, how refugee centers did what they did played a fundamental role in enabling or disabling refugee rehabilitation and integration or assimilation. Perhaps the most basic of basics involved the financial resources with which the various centers operated-which varied considerably, although generally almost all of the centers could have done much more with modestly more funding. The luckiest centers were personal projects of well-heeled individuals, such as the Cedars (a former Rothschild estate) or the land settlement at Perpignan (endowed by a female English Quaker doctor). Halutz also enjoyed relative solvency, given that the Jewish committees of three different countries backed its operations both materially and spiritually. Most centers, however, were not so lucky. Anna Essinger "financed" Bunce Court "creatively"-so much so that her staff regularly had to work for gratis and the school continued at all only because a "Committee of Friends" assumed the task of fund-raising. Admittedly, Quaker programs largely received underwriting from British or American Quaker bodies, but in no case was subsidization adequate to cover all costs. At least at Scattergood Hostel if not elsewhere, the refugees themselves-or agencies which sponsored them-contributed toward their keep. Such self-maintenance was no simple ploy to cultivate appreciation among the refugees for the actual costs of keep; Quaker projects genuinely lacked deep pockets. As it was, Scattergood often operated in the red and only-three months before the decision to discontinue as a hostel- by issuing a Midwest-wide appeal in Iowa's largest newspaper did it briefly see black-budget days. Had Scattergood had more monies at its disposal, it not only could have expanded its program, but could have equipped that program with-for example-more, perhaps better books, generous furnishings, etc. As it was, Scattergood's bare-bones budget and hand-to-mouth financing did inhibit its ability to help the refugees it wished to serve.

Besides additional funds, Scattergood Hostel's staff strove to attract more individuals willing to sign the affidavits necessary to secure visas for would-be emigrants from Nazi-held territories. While staff of few of the other centers are documented as having engaged in affidavit-procurement, staff at Scattergood actively solicited volunteers in order to rescue refugees from occupied Europe. Once again, however, Scattergood's staff had too few resources too late to do as much as it would have liked in terms of refugee relief and rehabilitation.

In terms of pure rehabilitation-independent of integration/assimilation -who centers tried to help made almost as much difference as how. Programs at Battle for orphaned children or Lavender Croft for the elderly both stretched British Quakers' abilities to adequately respond to the special needs of both age groups; although well-intentioned, perhaps Friends were overly ambitious in choosing to offer comprehensive care to such special-needs segments of the overall refugee population. Then again, had Quakers not acted, it is uncertain that either a private or government agency would have assumed such work. At Scattergood a prevailing balance between children, the elderly, single young men and childless couples helped maintain a cross-generational atmosphere conducive to restoring refugees' abilities to cope. One "guest"-for example- expressed gratitude that "three very insisting little gentlemen...and one very excited little girlÉkept us from getting sentimental" at the hostel's Christmas-1942 celebration. Besides providing distraction from emotional fallout inherent to the traumatic experiences which their elders had encountered in Europe, children at Scattergood helped fulfill its mission of offering refugees a place to rebuild shattered lives in that they offered incentive to strive for better days.

One deficient area at Scattergood Hostel involved the staff itself. Unlike at Halutz centers, the Cedars or Bunce Court-the last of which was headed by a woman deeply influenced by Quakers and who closely worked with them- none of the other ten centers presented in this study is documented as having had Jews on its staff. While obviously such programs catering to refugees from Nazi-occupied Europe involved above all Jews, only the first two above-named, Jewish-sponsored centers actually had Jews filling most key administrative positions. In the case of Bunce Court, director Anna Essinger was a Jew, as by extension presumably were her sisters; sources did not specify any telling characteristics about the rest of the staff other than that the British ones were asked not to learn German during their first year of teaching at the school-a proviso made irrelevant mostly by default. At least in America, if refugee centers wished to expose their charges to American society on a microcosmic level, then they could have started by forming staffs more representative of that society-which is to say, including African-Americans, Hispanics, Native Americans, Asians or non-Anglo-Saxons such as Celtic, Slavic or Southern-European Americans, Catholics, fundamentalist Protestants, etc. At least Scattergood Hostel failed dismally in this regard and such a sore lacking deeply colored its influence to acculturate its "guests".

One characteristic Scattergood Hostel did have, however, which centers such as the ones at Kitchener Camp, Fort Ontario or-technically speaking- the land resettlement program at Perpignan did not share were spiritually (Quakerism) or politically based (i.e. to remove refugees from urban areas in order to lessen backlash against continued immigration of refugees) motives. In formulating and researching this study, it was never the intent to focus on Quaker-sponsored centers over non-Quaker ones; it simply was the case that at that time, Quakers more actively established residential refugee programs than did Jews. Is the reason for that not clear? Friends' efforts were propelled by the concern that "that of god" which they believed to be in every human being was being fundamentally violated in Jews by their Nazi persecutors. Once such individuals landed in Quaker care, core Quaker principles such as consensus, the lack of coercion, collective silent reflection, simplicity, etc. were woven throughout every aspect of their program. In this regard, it was a positive trait that the staffs at Scattergood Hostel as well as Aberdeen Camp, Finca Paso Seco and Quaker Hill consisted almost exclusively of Quakers, for one-time refugees and staff themselves spoke of a compatibility and a consensus among staff which facilitated an effective, largely distress-free working environment in which refugee-focused activities could unfold mostly uncluttered by in-house intrigues, petty squabbles or simmering dissension. At the same time refugees at Scattergood Hostel and other Quaker-sponsored centers repeatedly reported that they were never pressured to become Friends: "expose, yes-impose, never!" Not only would that have violated Quaker norms, but it likely would have fanned the departure of refugees as soon as they felt able to withstand it- a phenomenon which is not documented as having been the case.

While admittedly too few sources exist to document the same at other refugee centers, one well-documented aspect of Scattergood's program which played a fundamental role in the means and to the degree refugees became "Americanized" involved the singular sense of community which existed at the hostel. Refugees, staff and visitors all commented on the prevailing, decisive atmosphere of harmony, cooperation, authenticity, comfort and support which Scattergood Hostel enjoyed. That feeling of one-ness and belonging partially explains why so many one-time "Scattergoodians"-either "guests" or staff- repeatedly returned to the hostel over Christmas or Easter or on their way past West Branch, wrote so many open letters and cards to the staff, sent their children to the re-opened school following the war or contributed to it or AFSC even decades later, so willingly cooperated with this project-the examples are multitudinous. If refugees' first in-depth, significant impressions of America included those they formed while at Scattergood and if what it meant to them to become "American" involved the native-born role models they encountered at the hostel, then AFSC's shelter on the prairies "succeeded". In explaining how their relationships with America changed over time, several of the surviving refugees referred to Scattergood Hostel-its earlier impact on them as well as its lasting legacy in regards to their formation of comprehensive, evolving identities as "New Americans".

Chapter 11 WWII-era European Refugees' Formation of American Identities

As explained in the introduction to this study, the conclusions drawn regarding WWII-era refugees' formation of American identities-which is to say the results of Quaker as well as the refugees' own integration/assimilation efforts-rest upon "the willingness of the reader to deduce generalizations from specific cases" [see p. iii]. Since referring primarily to non-specified cases, clever but inaccurate assertions or second-hand sources of information would be too abstract, conjectural or removed to be useful, conclusions presented here focus foremost on the personal experiences of refugees who in their transitions from having been Europeans to becoming Americans sojourned at Scattergood Hostel. The experiences of individuals featured here suggest the experiences of other, undocumented refugees and thus warrant review in their own right, for they provide concrete examples to substantiate claims. Conclusions drawn here-while made in the context of Scattergood Hostel-indicate the degree to which refugees became "Americanized", what becoming "Americans" meant to them and how their relationships with America changed over time.

Before continuing, though, two points warrant review. The first regards which criteria one uses in judging the degree to which the former refugees "succeeded" or "failed" in their efforts to "Americanize", to form new identities. For example, when meeting Walter Shostal-a native of Vienna, an adopted Parisian for seven years and later a resident New Yorker for almost half a century-he seems a kindly old European gentleman with an endearing accent. While his son Pierre-born French-speaking in Paris-appears and sounds fully American, not only does Walter Shostal betray his foreign birth as soon as he speaks, but his whole demeanor suggests a well-bred European. At the same time, though, he says that when he and his second wife arrive at New York's John F. Kennedy International Airport after seven months spent every summer at their lakeside cottage in Austria's Salzkammergut region "and a friendly customs inspector greets us with a 'Welcome home, folks', we have a very, very good feeling. Yes, we are coming home..."<505> If Walter Shostal considers America to be "home", how can one contest his sense of self-identity -who can deny him his feeling of being an "American"? Moreover, not only do the surviving Scattergood Hostel "guests" hold differing opinions and beliefs, but they came to America with differing personalities, needs and desires. After leaving their Iowa F/friends, they also had differing experiences. One must ask, which specific mix of views, beliefs, personality traits or experiences "should" have resulted in creating "true Americans"? What combination of qualities constitute a "successfully" formed American identity? Identity is relative and fluid: how can one impose a standardized definition on some one else's personal-let alone national-identity?

Second, what was the touted "New American" supposed to be in the first place? According to AFSC's John Rich-whose criteria numerous former Scattergood Hostel staff categorically rejected in the mid-1990s-a transformed "newcomer" adopted American social etiquette, lost as much of her or his foreign accent when speaking English as possible, learned to drive a car and generally became competent enough to take "their places as self-supporting members of American communities".<506> Are such criteria inclusive enough to define the members of a given nation? Do they account for individual difference as well as collective diversity? What constitutes a "satisfactory" set of criteria regarding what matters most in terms of being an "American"? As outlined in the introduction to this work, one can use either an "objective" or a "subjective" approach, "hard" or "soft" evidence to form conclusions. Or, more realistically and accurately, one can use both. Doing so, though, does not result in distilling "neat", "scientific" findings, as human beings are not "neat" rational creatures and thus defy categorization systems which lend themselves-for example-to minerals or genes. Indeed, while considering the questions "who is qualified to judge" and "what constitutes 'successful' refugee integration/assimilation" remain complicated, they are crucial to understanding WWII-era European refugee's formation of new identities.

With these two points in mind, one can better consider the results of the Quakers' efforts to Americanization the European exiles in their care-albeit more carefully and humbly.

Means of "Americanization" through Adaptation and Adjustment

Externally Referenced Processes of Social Adaptation

Tellingly, much of Scattergood Hostel's program utilized very practical means of facilitating adaptation on the part of its guests. Such everyday chores as washing the dishes, for example, helped psychologically prepare refugees for altered gender and social roles in their post-hostel lives. These aspects of the Quaker's refugee program comprised the "hardest" measurement of whether or not the refugees were "successfully" integrating/assimilating- "evidence" such as naturalization papers, a driver's license, improved English skills, contacts with natives, initial job placement, etc. The program offered those means, however, on very basic levels. As Grete Rosenzweig noted, "men in Europe do not take part in household tasks, but the right idea of the Quakers was that husband AND wife should attend to household duties since-to get a new start-both members of the family had to go to work, so men washed, ironed, cooked, washed dishes and cleaned together with the women";<507> both the refugees and staff noted that American gender roles were different than those common in Europe. Work in the garden, too, helped the newcomers realize in a "hands-on" way that in the New World they must be ready to seek and accept work which due to their social or professional positions in the Old World they never before would have considered doing.

Not only aspects of personal conduct, but also of public interaction, had to be learned and practiced in order to adapt to new conditions and form ways of being which could accommodate those new conditions. Thus, the education program at Scattergood was crucial to the integration process. In autumn 1942 hostel education director George Thorp emphasized that a "vital" part of "Scattergood training" was its educational program. He noted that in its "formal aspects" it included both individual and group instruction designed

to accelerate mastery of the English language and to present as complete a picture as possible of the varied aspects of the American scene. In its less formal approach the program merges largely with the other phases of life at Scattergood. In the process of sharing the work program, household duties and other essential activities and through daily social intercourse and more pretentious social affairs this side of the program supplements in innumerable ways the more formal part of the educational plan.<508>

Not just English instruction, but also American history or civics lessons instilled in the refugees concepts of how their new homeland functioned and why, as well as how they might participate in that process. Hedwig Hackel maintained that "one of the most important" classes in the hostel's education program was the history class because in it refugees became acquainted with the historical development of America since its discovery by Europeans:

Having studied the problems of American democracy, the institutions of local and federal governments [and] the Presidents, we finished our class with the Social Reform Program... It seems to me that all we learned in our history class will be the best base for our becoming American citizens.<509>

Even "freetime" lent itself to the integration of Scattergood Hostel guests, given that they often enjoyed "cultural excursions" which provided important links between the lives they had led in the Old World and the ones they were yet to form in the New. As Paul Singer and his refugee bride Elsie Kepes wrote,

Scattergood is like an island, but not an isolated island, for it is connected with the wide world. The residents have opportunity enough of learning the American way of living and working, not only at home, but also outside [and] renders us the best occasion for delving into the sources of the American culture.<510>

Besides work, education and freetime components of Scattergood's integration efforts, the sense of community fostered by the Quakers there also helped refugees to "recover a little from the effects of persecution [and] regain their confidence...before seeking a permanent place in American society".<511> The healing atmosphere of an Ersatzfamilie which at least some refugees felt at Scattergood Hostel aided rehabilitation and encouraged integration. It was the reprieve from practical worries which allowed the refugees to concentrate on matters besides their most basic of physical needs. Richard Schuber-for one-expressed gratitude for the "exemption" from being forced to "tremble forth into the next days" in New York. He rejected the thought of these "securities" as not

decisive and relevant, as precious as they incontestably are. Precious as food and shelter if one has none, precious as the consciousness of being protected against the possibility of lying on the street one fine morning after a lost job. For nobody is hard-heartedly left here to shift for himself and be surrendered to an uncertain fate. All is devised in affectionate friendship: our nursing by which our first steps are led into English; the opportunity to spend our time with people and things after a day's work which has been done under no pressure and coercion; the restless care taken for our settling, trying to find work and earnings for us. This is much indeed, but it is not all.<512>

Perhaps Walter Shostal knew what Schuber meant, for he once wrote that for "the first time in my life" he had met people "who are good". He didn't mean "just kind and helpful"-qualities "already rare enough though I have found them before". Rather, Shostal meant

really good in the Biblical sense, living up to a moral postulate, to which I never thought people could...This goodness, direct and natural as it is, seems to be distilled through a sieve of tact. There is no aggressiveness, coercion for anybody to fight or submit but simply an atmosphere to breathe.<513>

Similarly impressed by the community which she sensed existed at the hostel, Lucy Selig claimed that it was not easy to talk about Scattergood because it consisted of a "certain spirit, a certain sphere, a certain attitude". She said the hostel was based on a community life without sharp distinction between the American staff and the refugees:

all share in the tasks of lectures, household and fields. The group of Refugees [is] now stripped of all money, possessions and occupations, and exiled from their countries because they hold liberal ideas-what you call American ideas-or because they are Jewish. Now these different kinds of people are living together, united by the same past fate and the same aim, to become real Americans and to find a productive work in this country.<514>

In aggregate, the atmosphere at Scattergood Hostel seems to have gone far in readying the refugees for the integration/assimilation process awaiting them upon their departure. It helped them most in tangible ways to adapt to a new life which they were yet to form in a new environment. While it could help them with externally referenced processes of social adaptation, however, the internally referenced processes of behavioral adjustment were to be on-going, ultimately personal and much more difficult.

Internally Referenced Processes of Behavioral Adjustment

Above all, the formation of new-let alone of "American"-identities unavoidably involved the fundamental process of change; for refugees change equated both loss and gain, restrictions and new opportunities, dashed hopes and realized dreams. On a material level, the European exiles had lost their homes, jobs, most of their personal property (e.g., clothes, furniture, books, photos), savings and other tangible signs of a full life established over decades. On an emotional front they also were forced to forfeit former friends and family members to Nazism. On a psychological level, fate stripped the Europeans of previous social positions and status, the comfort of living in the realm of their native cultures and languages, their ties nurtured over years or generations to a familiar place-in short the pillars of daily life which generally form human awareness of a separate, intact Self. By the time the exiles reached America's shores, they had been reduced to mobile biographies without accompanying props and accessories which normally confirm the "authenticity" of a specific, individuated identity. In the New World they had to cope with in state where almost anything could have happened and where through "luck" or "fortune" they either unconsciously became or consciously might have assumed one of a number of new personalities. In the land of "unlimited possibilities", they set about the process of choosing personal paths which they thought might lead to an imagined array of possible futures: the conscious or coincidental process through which they pursued any one path represented their own particular means of integration or assimilation.

As noted, though, the process and patterns of changes differed for adults and children. As seen repeatedly-in the testimonies of Erhard Winter, Ernst [Malamerson] van den Haag or Edith [Lichtenstein] Morgan-adult refugees often arrived in the United States with a score of solidly rooted stereotypes and prejudices which retarded their abilities to perceive their adopted country more objectively or which inhibited easily shifting from one "world" to another. While the newly arrived Malamerson considered Americans "ignorant",<515> Morgan said that her parents thought them to be "pretty crude [and] crass and materialistic and ill mannered".<516> Young Winter saw his new compatriots in as poor-if not poorer-a light and complained that America was a

polyglot, vulgar, money-mad, pleasure-seeking, amoral & hedonistic society in the process of racial mongrelization; a society that lacked cultural standards & principles and whose cities...were ugly, utilitarian, and dirty, dull rectangular squares without interest or grace or charm. And...even the best of Americans were like overgrown children, full of a sense of silly optimism but lacking a sense of history [or] culture.<517>

At the same time-as documented in chapter 9-over time van den Haag came to own his projected anger and sense of dejection, Morgan's parents Julius and Elizabeth Lichtenstein made friends with "cultured people" and Winter made peace with the land which initially seemed to him to be his nemesis.

If Walter Shostal's experiences are indicative, however, adult refugees struggled with some degree of cultural dissonance their whole lives-in his case even after having lived in the United States for over 50 years. As an elderly man, he still felt uncomfortable with, for example, the American penchant for informality. In the course of his professional career in America, he was taken aback on occasions when "a guy whom I had never met would immediately firstname me".<518> Given such impressions of or attitudes toward their adopted homeland, WWII-era European refugees reported difficulties in adjustment.

On top of deep psychological currents which influenced or inhibited their formation of new identities, adult refugees were confronted with myriad unsettling details concerning a career-or at least employment-which would provide for them and their charges. To secure work and income, they had to attain a minimal level of competency in the English language-not to mention a bare level of sellable skills corresponding to the specific positions to which they applied. In effect, they had to sell a Self which no longer contained solid emotional boundaries, socially approved behaviors or values, professionally recognized training or culturally acknowledged accomplishments. At one and the same time they were starting anew in America as public nichts, yet could not sever from their innate Selves the personal alles which had accompanied them on the passage from Europe; this contradiction left them in a bind: how to reconcile what one was with what one has not yet become?

The process of personal reconciliation with one's own fate-and with the environment in which one's fate unfolded-determined the degree to which refugees integrated or assimilated in their new homeland. The process of reconciliation, however, differed for adults and children. Of the adult refugees who returned to Europe following the war, it is difficult to judge how many trickled back because they loved Europe and how many made their way home because they hated America. Tellingly, those who returned had left primarily for political-one might say, passionate-reasons. For such persons a clean severing of emotional ties and cultural roots was implausible; they preferred facing hardship and uncertainty back in Europe rather than learning to cope with relative comfort in unfamiliar America. Walter Hacke-the son of a left-wing party newspaper editor-explained difficulties common among people such as his father Ludwig, who upon leaving Scattergood worked for awhile in a small Iowa town called Lone Tree as a linotype operator, but found that "life in conservative rural Middle West didn't suit him": he eventually returned to New York. Sozialdemokrat activist Robert Keller stayed in Milwaukee for a while, but also returned to New York before going back to defeated Germany in February 1947.<519> According to Walter Hacke, the adult refugees at Scattergood Hostel were

political, mostly intellectuals. They had left Germany to survive the Hitler regime... As intellectual and political, the refugees were often suspected of being 'leftist' in conservative America, and never felt at home here and had the intention of going back to their homeland after the war. With the advent of the 'witch hunt' of the McCarthy era, many of the political refugees felt ill at ease in the U.S.<520>

Indeed, figures like Arbeiterwohlfahrt-founder Marie Juchacz, Reichstag member Paul Frölich, Vienna city-council member Fritz Schorsch and SPD activist Robert Keller eventually left the U.S. Walter Hacke's father "likewise wanted to go back", but was unwilling to leave his 17-year-old son behind. For his part, Walter Hacke "had no roots in Germany and had no desire to go there as I was brought up and schooled in France, where I would have felt more at home".<521>

Feeling "more at home" or growing "comfortable" was central to refugee children's assimilation as "New Americans" and differentiated them from their parents-who despite best intentions or efforts could never be anything other than Europeans resettled on American soil. Their offspring, though, mostly were able to reconcile themselves with their new environment and thus "succeeded" in forming identities which allowed them to live harmoniously in the New World-albeit with pangs of cultural ambivalence die to exposure to and membership in other cultures early in life. Still, in their letters, during interviews or visits, one-time refugee children exhibited a sense of Self which resonated with cultural traits commonly attributed to America. While many of them were reflective about their identities, when pressed each emphatically asserted her or his "American-ness". Since arriving in America, each had been exposed to influences or stimuli which resulted in such a development.

When asked over fifty years after arriving in America as a boy what "becoming an American" meant to him, Walter Hacke-for example-stated that he feels "more at home here and have grown accustomed to American ways". At the same time, he admitted that he remained "European" in many ways-"culturally, language wise and [in] manner of living". As his French wife and he have spent much time in France, he finds

that I can adapt quite easily to the way of life over there. It would not be the same in Germany. I was there for a month or two in 1962 during a prolonged trip in Europe. I couldn't live there without feeling homesick for America or France.<522>

Although exhibiting ambivalence, Walter Hacke was not alone in his equating the level of "cultural comfort" he felt residing in the United States with the degree to which he had become "successfully Americanized". When Elizabeth [Ilse Seligmann/Seaman] Chilton rhetorically asked "what does it mean to be an American?", she answered herself: "I suppose it's an outlook and lifestyle which makes you feel comfortable in this country. I feel like I'm part of this country".<523> Teacher and schoolboard-member Edith [Lichtenstein] Morgan maintained that schools in America historically have cultivated a sense basic "cultural comfort" among the country's youngsters-especially among "New Americans". For WWII-era European refugee children, the school was the "main agency" for creating

some kind of common core of what was defined as 'being an American'. Everybody outside the school could do whatever they darned well please, but in the school you learned how to communicate with other people who were here in the country... That was the school's job... [The idea was] to believe in diversity, but also to subscribe to a common core so that you can go anywhere in this country and feel comfortable.<524>

"Comfortable", however, does not mean "blind" or "uncritical". Nicole Hackel-who came to Scattergood Hostel as a three-year-old with her mother Nora, grandmother Hedwig and close family friend Marianne Welter-tried to describe the ambivalence she feels as an adult regarding her adopted country. Her vague, disjointed sense of that ambivalence, though, spoke louder than the few ideas she was able to articulate semi-clearly. She spoke of having had "a hard time" admitting that she is an American-"in a funny way". She felt

more American in terms of the culture I've absorbed in my life: I am really an American, so when I go outside of America, I realize 'Oh my, a lot of my perspective is "American"'...but I don't quite believe it. I don't think I have ever totally accepted being an American. And most certainly, not in that 'Super American' way, that 'America's right' [way]. It's much more a self-conscious position of being in critical opposition: 'we're not going to be hoodwinked by any sort of government line', no matter where it comes from.<525>

At the same time, Hackel speculated that "maybe I'm not grateful enough to this country, really". At least, Marianne Welter informed her: "You know, this country has its faults and everything, but it really saved us and its true that we have to criticize and so on-but we have a lot to appreciate". She told Hackel that she was "too cynical. I can be modest about the appreciation" Hackel said -"whereas I'm quite vocal about my criticisms".

As apparent in the reactions refugees had to their new lives in America, the diversity of experiences among them ranged considerably. Thus, labeling which experiences had to do solely with the process of integration and which had more to do with individual maturation or existential adjustment becomes difficult when one considers each biography more closely. Erhard Winter, for example, rebelled against his immigrant mother in ways similar to many youth in 20th-century Western societies; how does one not know that he would have stowed away to rather than from America had his father lived and he had enjoyed a completely settled, quiet life in Northern Germany? [p.33-35-OHR] Was the path of emotional recovery described by Ernst [Malamerson] van den Haag the product of having to flee several European countries one step ahead of the Nazis or would he-as the specific person he was as a young man-have suffered the nervous breakdown he had in Iowa even had he stayed in the Old World and continued to enjoy his family's privilege and wealth? [9.23] Walter Shostal, for another, left Vienna originally not because of Nazis but because of customers, as the photo-agency he operated with his brother had saturated the Austrian capital's market, so he and his wife removed to Paris: were they at that point economic or ethnic refugees-or "just" emigrants? [p. 74 -OHR]

Some struggles, however, appear to have been consequences of having been a refugee. Marianne Welter, for one, wrestled with vague yet emotionally explosive questions concerning her inherited German roots which seemed at odds with her chosen American branches. While obviously the settings in which she found herself-ranging from wartime refugee internment to post-war de-Nazification centers-forced certain questions, were she differently inclined from temperament and character, she simply could have ignored the voices in her head like so many others at the time seemed capable of doing. Did her personality, though, predispose her to entertain uncomfortable "why's" and "what if's" which perhaps might have overwhelmed or devastated others? In drawing conclusions from her experience, does one conclude that Welter's individual process of soul-searching in regards to cultural ties or affinities constitute one of "refugee integration" or one of "personal individuation"? The same must be asked of Emil Deutsch's pronounced disappointment with the United States, as his own children later wondered if such a development would not have taken shape even had the family remained in Austria.

Children, however, faced an altogether different set of problems as well as possibilities. Compared to their elders they arrived in the New World as tabula rasa. The same openness, however, which allowed them to slip more easily into an evolving persona also predetermined them for later emotional confusion-vis-‡-vis Hanna [Deutsch] Clampitt's feelings of "inner conflict" or of being "immobilized". In addition to functional or other behavioral problems, former refugee children consistently reported feelings of ambivalence not only regarding their "American-ness" contra cultural roots, but toward their own parents, who represented the closest surviving tie to their own European roots and-even if subconsciously-the reason for their having to come to America in the first place.<526> This classic confusion between what once was known and later was experienced figured into Irmgard [Rosenzweig] Wessel's struggle with her parents over dating, [9.01] Hanna [Deutsch] Clampitt's resisting speaking German at home with in Des Moines, [9.29] Günther Krauthamer's not wanting to be seen with his mother in the streets of New York by American schoolmates<527> or Nicole Hackel's embarrassment over her grandmother's thick accent-despite "Omi's" ability to speak half a dozen languages in de-facto mono-lingual American society.<528>

Results of "Americanization" Process

Despite whatever ambivalence they might have developed regarding their parents and adopted homeland, with two known exceptions<529> almost all of the two dozen children who passed through Scattergood's door later pursued "helping" careers as teachers, counselors, social workers, childrens-theater directors, psychologists, etc. Even if they were not clear about their own inner landscapes, as adults virtually all of the hostel children assisted others in ordering theirs. One can assume that this desire to help as adults sprung from their experiences as children, for at least Pierre Shostal directly attributed his motives as a former foreign-service representative abroad as arising from his time at Scattergood Hostel and the model passively modeled if not actively advertised by the Quakers there.[9.28]Hanna [Deutsch] Clampitt considered her and her brother's career choices as direct results of having been refugees [9.29].

In addition to what professions they eventually chose, many of the socio-political beliefs and values of the former refugee children today stem from their peculiar constellations of former lives and later biographies as affected by both emigration and immigration as children. Edith [Lichtenstein] Morgan -for instance-adamantly defended what in America today likely would not seem a "liberal" point of view regarding multi-cultural education. Based on her own experiences, Morgan believed that a given culture must have unifying elements which fundamentally bind, not divide those who people it: therefore, she opposed introducing "across-the-board multi-cultural education"-and as a school board member she had the requisite influence to have her point of view aired.<530> Similarly, Elizabeth [Ilse Seligmann/Seaman] Chilton<531> and Irmgard [Rosenzweig] Wessel<532>-both self-identified "liberals"-clearly felt uncomfortable with what opponents of "wily-nily multi-culturalism" in the U.S. have labeled "Balkanization". During interviews, each offered her immigrant background as a basis for supporting or opposing multi-cultural curricula in schools, etc.

Its culturally diverse nature aside, the former refugee children were able to see basic threads which unite American society-which Wessel called a "quilt". For Morgan those threads included concepts of America as "a country of laws", where "there's a set of shared beliefs about what's right and wrong and there's a set a certain shared behaviors".<533> Meanwhile, Pierre Shostal assessed America as a "country of openness and tolerance and readiness to give shelter to others".<534> At the same time, however, how can one feel "part" of something which-as Morgan noted-"is constantly changing", as " there's no set culture, there's no set totally-shared cultural value here [and] that's okay".<535>

Some of the former refugee children's responses to questions were more concrete than others, yet each of them contained a noticeable element of open-endedness, a degree of uncertainty or even an unwillingness to commit to a specific opinion or preference. Considering what adults at Scattergood Hostel later said about America in comparison with the impressions or values their children voiced, most adults spoke concretely and in detail. With the exception of Edith [Lichtenstein] Morgan, however, the former children avoided issuing detailed statements and even Morgan herself, while speaking at length, often spoke in abstractions. Emil Deutsch outlined American literature and political institutions, Ernst [Malamerson] van den Haag offered a critique of American academics or coffee and Walter Shostal spoke of his inability to mimic a perfect English "w", but the Scattergood Hostel children all remained consistently non-committal in their assessments of the country they had come to know as their own.<536> This conclusion corresponds with what detractors of America had labeled "superficiality", but Librarian of Congress Daniel Boorstin preferred to describe as "vagueness". He saw it as a "great resource" of America, for

American uncertainties, products of ignorance and progress, were producers of optimism and energy. Although few acknowledged it, in the era between the Revolution and the Civil War this vagueness was a source of American strength. Americans were already distinguished less by what they clearly knew or definitely believed than by their grand and fluid hopes. If other nations had been held together by common certainties, Americans were being united by a common vagueness and a common effervescence. Their first enterprise was to discover who they were, where they were, when they were, what they were capable of, and how they could expand and organize. Their America was still little more than a point of departure. The nation would long profit from having been born without having ever been conceived.<537>

While Boorstin wished to see a positive fertility in this trait, in any event it differs from-for instance-characteristics often attributed to German culture such as Gründlichkeit ("thoroughness") and Genauigkeit ("accuracy" or "exactness"). If "vagueness" or "superficiality" is an American trait, Europeans who came to the U.S. as adult refugees seem to have been largely immune to it, while their children without exception acquired it.

That "Americanized" refugee children differed so greatly from their exiled European parents closely mirrored the pronouncedly different historical experience of the children's adopted compatriots. Whereas Western Europe had consisted for centuries of relatively crowded, tradition-bound societies, the open physical environment and social climate which Europeans had found in America since its discovery flew in the face of Old-World norms, traditions and structures. Under such fluid conditions a unique American national character could not help but evolve out of the numerous European ones which tried yet failed to survive transplantation intact. According to Boorstin, nothing did more to keep an American

open to outrageous novelties and happy accidents than the indefinite arena of [her or] his life. Of course he expected the unexpected. Even so, American experience held a still vaster stock of the unpredictable than he dared imagine. Never before had so populous a modern nation lived in so ill-defined a territory.<538>

In a setting of unbounded geography unfettered by rigid social restraints, in their formative years Americans lived "not at a verge, but in myriad fuzzy-edged islands". Thus the push West did not occur along a solid line but rather isolated dashes and American life-like the physical nation itself-was

distinguished by its lack of clear boundaries. The continent was covered by penumbras, between the known and the unknown, between fact and myth, between present and future, between native and alien, between good and evil.<539>

Just as European mentalities had been determined by entrenched political hierarchies, solidly established state churches, set social orders and the like, corresponding American mentalities were determined by utter lack of such.

Theologian Paul Tillich-himself a refugee from Nazi Germany-once accredited differences between European and American minds to historically determined differences he described as "directions", for the "whole history" of America had turned the American mind in a "horizontal direction". The conquest of a land with a

seemingly unlimited extension, the progressive actualization of infinite possibilities in man's dealing with nature and himself, the dynamics of Calvinism and early capitalism, freedom from a binding tradition and from the curses of European history

combined to produce "a type of thinking" which Tillich deemed "quite different from the predominantly vertical thinking" in Europe. The latter-he said-had been indelibly influenced by a feudal system which restricted individuals to predetermined fates, allowing "rare possibilities of horizontal progress". If life in Europe entailed "a fight in the vertical line between divine and demonic forces", in America it involved a struggle for the "progressive actualization of human possibilities". While Tillich conceded that such stark contrasts are never absolute, he held that they represent a "predominant attitude of great theological significance"-with the danger for Europe being "a lack of horizontal actualization" and for America "a lack of vertical depth".<540>

The formation of "American" identities on the parts of former refugee children and their elders facilitated their abilities to think in "horizontal directions"-for example, to cope with diversity and to develop higher comfort levels for ambiguity than traditionally was the case in Europe. One example of coping with cultural diversity consists of the fluid nature of the [Seligmann] Seaman family's religious associations: Elizabeth [Seligmann] Chilton noted that once they had moved to Ames, Iowa, her parents became members of Collegiate Presbyterian Church-although her father was a Jew and her mother a Lutheran; later, both of Chilton's parents left money to the Quakers in their wills, while she herself attended a Congregational Church. Another example of feeling comfortable in diverse cultural contexts coincidentally also involves religion: although reared a Jew, Edith [Lichtenstein] Morgan

wandered from being Congregationalist to being Quaker, to being... [Morgan laughed] Things go full circle! I practiced in a quiet way myself my Judaism, but now I've got Buddhist foster children from Vietnam; I've had Catholic foster children...I have a little grand-daughter from one of my foster children from Cambodia... But to me, that's 'America', you know-and basically I say to them, we're all Americans.

Regarding religion, at least some of the refugees thought becoming assimilated included assuming "American" religious affiliations. Ernst and Ilse Stahl, Hans Peters, the Deutsch family and Heid Ladewig-despite having been disappointed with her stay at Scattergood-all became "convinced" Quakers after leaving Scattergood Hostel. Also, Walter and Magda Shostal- reared Jewish and Catholic, respectively-sent their sons to Protestant Sunday school classes as well as Cub Scout meetings, while they themselves joined a leading American voluntary organization-the Parent Teacher Association. Similarly, as a teenager in America Irmgard [Rosenzweig] Wessel struggled over whether to be a Democrat or a Republican, for she had the impression that following the "wrong" party could result in deportation. Also, at least Emil Deutsch, Ludwig Hacke and Robert Keller found "McCarthyism" appalling, while Kurt Schaefer subjected himself to self-censorship-convinced that FBI agents were following him and that thus he could lose his academic post.

Besides changing their religious or political affiliations if not attitudes, many of the refugees also felt it necessary to change their sur- if not also first-names in the process of assuming "American" identities. Some changes were minor-for example, dropping the "c" from the Middle-European family name "Schostal", or changing "Friedrich" to "Frederick" or even the informal form of "Fred". Other name changes were more drastic: the surnames "Unterholzer", "Grünwald" and "Lichtman" respectively became "Underwood", "Greenwood" and "Lister"; "Karl Bukowitz" and "Ljubover Koropatnicky" became "Charles Bukovis" and "Louis Croy". Some refugees altered their names to seem more American, while others did so to seem less Jewish, as in the cases of the Seligmann family and Ernst [Malamerson] van den Haag.<541> If changing a name might seem like "hard" evidence of refugee integration/assimilation, doing so was possible only due to initial internal shifts in Self-perception which allowed such a dramatic external sign of cultural adaptation.

Moreover, such changes in religious or political affiliation, name, etc., all indicated a change in mentality-in the "direction" of former refugees' thinking. That such a change was requisite to integration in American society or to assimilation as Americans cannot be overlooked. Contrasts between the attitudes of adult refugee children and their parents, however, repeatedly resurface. While subtle and thus difficult to "prove" with "hard" evidence, as quoted in this study's introduction, "assimilation...consists of little things, even though the end result is no little thing".<542> Indeed, as products of myriad "little things", the mosaics which are the present identities of one-time refugee children directly reflect a process consisting of influences and experiences that have created "New Americans" through they very way that they see the world. In turn, their view of the world directly reflects not just their own experiences in America, but the aggregate experiences of all those individuals who have found themselves either through birth, through immigration or through exile in a land at once vast, open, multi-facetted, loosely united and thinly defined.

While in the process of becoming Americans former refugee children might have assumed a rather amorphous, often ambivalent sense of what belonging to their adopted nationality entailed, adults who passed through Scattergood Hostel tended to see the essence of being "American" differently. In the early phase of his new life, for example, Emil Deutsch may have focused on the classically European criteria of "culture": literature, music, visual arts, "manners", etc.<543> Later, however, after the onset of increasing disillusionment with America, he focused not on ways of thinking (i.e. how one perceives the Self in a wider context), but on ways of acting (i.e. how one normally behaves in set contexts)-such as some Americans' emphasis on profit, acts of racism, displays of "materialism", etc. Somewhere he shifted from perceiving identity mainly as a matter of mind to being more a matter of behavior: from "being" to "doing". At least Walter Shostal exhibited the end results of this process, for in his own assessment how he and his family fared "with regard to the melting pot", he reflected not on identity as attitudes or values (again, being), but on the implied cultural traits communicated through actions (doing). For example: although his eldest son Pierre once told him that "at a certain time in his youth he had been uncertain whether he should be an American or a European", Walter concluded that as his son "progressed in life his doubts vanished" -reflections of which supposedly included Pierre's officially representing the U.S. as a member of the foreign service or the fact that Pierre and his British-born second wife chose to retire in America and are "definitely mainstream."

Super-achiever Erhard Winter also spoke of his "American-ness" not in terms of personal attitudes or values, but socially recognized accomplishments or status. For him, reasons for discontent with his fate in the New World were mirrored by his failure to have been elected to leadership positions in various "organizations, clubs [or professional] societies he was obliged to join"<544> in the course of pursing the "American Dream" and also by his not residing in one given community for more than ten years until moving to the town where he recently had retired. This, in sharp contrast to attitudes or values he exhibited in Berlin in the spring of 1995 while on "pilgrimage" to Germany to revisit his "German past"-which included sites of his grandparents' home life or his father's studies or his own intellectual development as a teen. While he spoke about his degree of "American-ness" in terms of assignments in this famous hospital or that prestigious practice, his children's marrying "real Americans of good standing", his own late-in-life resumed post-secondary education or his acquisition of numerous rental properties which generate much money, he spoke of his deep-rooted "German-ness" in terms of "refined tastes" or certain "cultural affinities", of inherited legacies or familial traits, of ethnic ancestry and an early instilled ideological orientation. Although he epitomized this dichotomy, Winter didn't even realize he was engaging in it: he flipped back and forth-for instance-between English and German without notice, yet the two "Erhards" which the two languages conveyed were very distinct, one from the other. The fluorescent-green John Deere farmer's cap from the American Heartland which rested on Winter's forehead only added to the dissonance.

Similarly, although they might have symbolized for him cultural traits, Ernst [Malamerson] van den Haag discussed America in terms of "scholarly activity" or the quality of coffee sold and his own "success" being reflected in having held numerous academic posts or having "lots" of friend- with no mention of cultural ties which might or might not hold them together. Again, van den Haag offered doing-or having-over being as indication of one's "American-ness". Sitting in his 16th-floor, Upper-West-Side apartment with a generous view of Manhattan and speaking with a hybrid German-British accent about his close friendship with Henry Kissinger and the "chances of success" in America, van den Haag cast an image of the American Booster-a "true-blue Yankee Go-Getter". When the theme shifted to his student days as a communist in Italy, however, he spoke as a displaced European intellectual, his face assumed another expression and he imparted an all-together different impression. It seemed, then, that his identity at any given moment depended on which of the two contrasting cultural contexts he concentrated.

Closing Comment

One-time Scattergood Hostel refugees who remained in the United States following the war's end all became "Americans" at least in terms of passport if not passion; their membership in American society, however, was granted by default, in that they forever remained Europeans transplanted in American soil: some of them integrated, but none of them could assimilate. While former refugee children are virtually indistinguishable from other Americans of similar class, education and age, one nonetheless can wonder how deep their American identities really run, given that they themselves struggle to define and articulate consistent, coherent senses of what it means to be "American". Perhaps they know-but then again, being "Americans", perhaps they don't.



WS, Unpublished Memoirs "American Beginnings", 1994.


Anonymous, undated mimeographed essay entitled "An American Welcome for New Americans", p. 1.

Staff members' zealousness to instill "correct" etiquette in the refugees resulted in Leonore Goodenow's ill-received suggested to hold one's tableware other than in Europe [3.21]. Regarding the newcomers' accents: this was not an imagined, but rather very real detriment to living undisturbed in war-time America- as Camilla [Hewson] Flintermann noted: if a refugee went into a shop and made an order with a "think German accent", she or he "would not get happy glances" (Interview with MLT, 7.XI.95 . At least George Willoughby thought that mastering car driving was an important step in the integration process (Interview with the Edwardses, September 1994). In terms of the Scattergood "community", Friends attempted to coax the Europeans among them to "Speak English and Be Proud of It!" [CHF, Diary, 5.III.39].


Grete Rosenzweig, Unpublished Memoirs entitled "My Life Told for My Grandchildren", 1974.


George Thorp, "The Scattergood Educational Program", SMNB, Oct.-Nov. 1942.


Hedwig Hackel, "Scattergood Studies American History", SMNB, 15.VI.42.


Paul and Elsie Kepes Singer, "Cultural Excursions from Scattergood", SMNB, 16.II.42.


Unsigned essay entitled "A New Use for Scattergood", 29.V.39.

Emil Deutsch wrote: "It certainly is hard for many [European refugees], affected in their nervous balance by the horrible experiences and the constant strain of the last years, to fit into new and strange conditions. Moreover, many people, accustomed to regular work and efficiency, suffer from lack of it harder than anything else. Many difficulties, arising among residents of the Hostels [sponsored by the Quakers, of which by the time of Emil's writing there were a few], are based upon this fact. They are hard to overcome before the final goal of everybody's staying at a Hostel is reached, the job, and a new start in American life. But we have to find a way to adapt ourselves to our new life. It is a vital condition of our living in a new country" ("The Refugee and American Life", SMNB, 17.III.41. and 17.VI.41 .


Richard Schuber, Unpublished Essay, 1.III.40.


WS, Unpublished Essay, 6.VIII.42.


Lucy Selig, Transcript of a Talk given in the second half of 1940.

Visitors to the hostel rarely left with anything other than the most glowing impressions of the place. Herself a refugee, Vita Stein visited briefly in spring 1942 and later wrote director Martha Balderston to "tell you how very much I enjoyed my short stay at the Hostel [sic]. I was impressed very deeply by the fine spirit and the peaceful atmosphere everywhere. It's a unique experience for me to see this living example of the Spirit of fellowship and brotherhood and the more I see it the stronger becomes my longing to be allowed to become a member of a group which lives religion as a way of life. I feel it is a great privilege to share this spirit and to learn from the Friends how to live the supreme truth of life. We struggling and persecuted people are sometimes in danger to lose our belief in humanity. An experience like Scattergood helps to regain the belief that "God created man in His own image'" (Letter to MB, spring 1942).


EMH, Interview with MLT, 25.X.95.

Ernst van den Haag admitted he "was under the impression [of being] doubly superior, first as a Marxist- I felt I didn't really have to learn economics because I already knew better than my teachers...and it took me a while to get rid of that. And second, I felt quite educated. I was a fairly educated person and I thought that Americans were ignorant and so on".


ELM, Interview with MLT, 27.X.95.

European refugees apparently not only sometimes found Americans "uncultured", but also hard to meet and befriend. Robert Keller complained that he and his wife "felt very lonely in Milwaukee" and subsequently moved to more cosmopolitan, more "European" New York (Robert Keller, Letter to Annette Keller, April 1954).


Erhard Winter, Letter to CHF, spring 1994.


WS, Letter to MLT, 20.VIII.95.

Shostal conceded: "True, it was all in the world of publishing and advertising where people did not any longer report to work in grey suits and ties, but in jeans and sport shirts".


Walter Hacke, Letter to MLT, 8.XI.96.



Ludwig Hacke was not alone in wanting to yet not managing to leave during that period. Edith [Lichtenstein] Morgan recalled: "a couple of times in the "50s my parents [were] ready to move to Canada because the McCarthy thing sounded an awful lot like what happened in Germany in the beginning- labeling people, calling everybody a "Communist' and diverting everybody's attention from what they were doing, which was happened in the late "20s in Germany" (Interview with MLT, 27.X.95 .


Walter Hacke noted: "Originally we came to the U.S. on a visitor's visa which was automatically renewed until war's end. In 1947 or "48 we obtained an Immigration Visa- my father, although he applied, was never granted U.S. citizenship. I became a citizen in 1954".


Hacke, Ibid.




Morgan, Ibid.


Nicole Hackel, Interview with MLT, 31.X.95.


Children were not the only ones to feel ambivalent toward their adopted homeland, as adult refugees often did, too. Sigmund and Friedel [Seligmann] Seaman- for example- requested burial not in their adopted Midwest, but in their native Germany (EC, notes, 1995).

There were others, who "despite all desire to adapt remained foreigners in the second Heimat. Emigration had allowed new national feelings to grow; it also made Germans into Americans (where psychological conditions for assimilation or being grafted to the population were most conducive), into Swedes, into Zionist Jews, but also homeless and inwardly rootless. Still, these behaviors are not typical of emigrated Sozialdemokraten. What's typical seems the behavior of those who until the war's end remained united with their emigration organization and who- even if they felt themselves to be Europeans and citizens of the world- during the whole of their exile stood "with their face toward Germany'..." (Matthias, 1952, p. 282)


Margaret [Hannum] Stevens, Interview with MLT, 28.XI.95.


Hackel, Ibid.


They involve two boys who later became an architect and a government inspector.


Morgan, Ibid.


ESC, Interview with MLT, 28.X.95.


IRW, Interview with MLT, 30.X.95.


Morgan, Ibid.


Pierre Shostal, Interview with MLT, 26.X.94.


Morgan, Ibid.


One exception is Frank Keller, who admitted: "I do not feel at home in U.S. culture & society because of the emphasis on materialism" (Frank Keller, Letter to MLT, 31.X.96 .


Boorstin, 1965, p. 219.


Ibid., p. 221.


Ibid., p. 222.


Tillich in Crawford, 1953, pp. 146-147.


ESC, Ibid. and EMH, Ibid., respectively.


Kent, 1953, p. 8.


Deutsch's fellow refugee Lucy Selig alluded to "liberal ideas" as "American ideas"; she, too, spoke of concepts rather than behaviors in describing America (Selig, Ibid .


Winter, Ibid.

[Titlepage] [Introduction] [1] [2] [3] [Appendix] [Appendix] [Abbreviations] [Bibliography] [Acknowledgements]

© Die inhaltliche Zusammenstellung und Aufmachung dieser Publikation sowie die elektronische Verarbeitung sind urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung, die nicht ausdrücklich vom Urheberrechtsgesetz zugelassen ist, bedarf der vorherigen Zustimmung. Das gilt insbesondere für die Vervielfältigung, die Bearbeitung und Einspeicherung und Verarbeitung in elektronische Systeme.

DiML DTD Version 2.0
Zertifizierter Dokumentenserver
der Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
HTML - Version erstellt am:
Mon Jun 5 14:21:56 2000