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2022-06-10Zeitschriftenartikel DOI: 10.18452/24841
Processing Attenuating NPIs in Indicative and Counterfactual Conditionals
dc.contributor.authorSchwab, Juliane
dc.contributor.authorLiu, Mingya
dc.date.accessioned2022-06-27T12:25:39Z
dc.date.available2022-06-27T12:25:39Z
dc.date.issued2022-06-10none
dc.date.updated2022-06-24T09:38:04Z
dc.identifier.urihttp://edoc.hu-berlin.de/18452/25518
dc.description.abstractBoth indicative and counterfactual conditionals are known to be licensing contexts for negative polarity items (NPIs). However, a recent theoretical account suggests that the licensing of attenuating NPIs like English all that in the conditional antecedent is sensitive to pragmatic differences between various types of conditionals. We conducted three behavioral experiments in order to test key predictions made by that proposal. In Experiment 1, we tested hypothetical indicative and counterfactual conditionals with the English NPI all that, finding that the NPI is degraded in the former compared to the latter. In Experiment 2, we compared hypothetical indicative conditionals and premise conditionals with the same NPI, again finding a degradation only for the former. Both results align with theoretically derived predictions purporting that hypothetical indicative conditionals are degraded due to their susceptibility to conditional perfection. Finally, Experiment 3 provides empirical evidence that comprehenders readily strengthen counterfactual conditionals to biconditionals, in line with theoretical analyses that assume that conditional perfection and counterfactual inferences are compatible. Their ability to still host attenuating NPIs in the conditional antecedent, by contrast, falls into place via the antiveridical inference to the falsity of the antecedent. Altogether, our study sheds light on the interplay between NPI licensing and the semantic and pragmatic properties of various types of conditionals. Moreover, it provides a novel perspective on the processing of different kinds of conditionals in context, in particular, with regard to their (non)veridicality properties.eng
dc.language.isoengnone
dc.publisherHumboldt-Universität zu Berlin
dc.rights(CC BY 4.0) Attribution 4.0 Internationalger
dc.rights.urihttps://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/
dc.subjectconditionalseng
dc.subjectnegative polarity itemseng
dc.subjectcounterfactual presuppositioneng
dc.subjectconditional perfectioneng
dc.subjectpragmaticseng
dc.subjectEnglisheng
dc.subject.ddc150 Psychologienone
dc.titleProcessing Attenuating NPIs in Indicative and Counterfactual Conditionalsnone
dc.typearticle
dc.identifier.urnurn:nbn:de:kobv:11-110-18452/25518-8
dc.identifier.doihttp://dx.doi.org/10.18452/24841
dc.type.versionpublishedVersionnone
local.edoc.pages14none
local.edoc.type-nameZeitschriftenartikel
local.edoc.container-typeperiodical
local.edoc.container-type-nameZeitschrift
dc.description.versionPeer Reviewednone
dc.identifier.eissn1664-1078
dcterms.bibliographicCitation.doi10.3389/fpsyg.2022.894396none
dcterms.bibliographicCitation.journaltitleFrontiers in psychologynone
dcterms.bibliographicCitation.volume13none
dcterms.bibliographicCitation.articlenumber894396none
dcterms.bibliographicCitation.originalpublishernameFrontiers Research Foundationnone
dcterms.bibliographicCitation.originalpublisherplaceLausannenone
bua.departmentSprach- und literaturwissenschaftliche Fakultätnone

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